{"id":4118,"date":"2025-02-23T23:00:03","date_gmt":"2025-02-24T04:00:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/?p=4118"},"modified":"2025-12-29T18:41:06","modified_gmt":"2025-12-29T23:41:06","slug":"lenin-on-the-1912-u-s-presidential-election","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/?p=4118","title":{"rendered":"Lenin on the 1912 U.S. Presidential election (audio recording)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Chris Cutrone<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p align=\"center\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https:\/\/archive.org\/embed\/ccps-2-23-25-panel\" width=\"450\" height=\"60\" frameborder=\"0\" webkitallowfullscreen=\"true\" mozallowfullscreen=\"true\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><em>Presented on a panel, &#8220;The radicality of the American project,&#8221; with James Vaughn, moderated by Spencer Leonard, held at the 4th Biennial conference of the Caucus for a Critical Political Science, South Padre Island, Texas, February 23, 2025.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Let me begin by reading a short article written by the Russian revolutionary social democratic Marxist Vladimir Lenin on the 1912 general election in the U.S. and its results:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p><strong>The Results and Significance of the U.S. Presidential Elections<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Published:&nbsp;<em>Pravda<\/em> 164, November&nbsp;9, 1912<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Wilson,&nbsp;a \u201cDemocrat\u201d, has been elected President of the United States of America. He has polled over six million votes, Roosevelt (the new National Progressive Party) over four million, Taft (Republican Party) over three million, and the Socialist Eugene Debs 800,000 votes.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;world significance of the U.S. elections lies not so much in the great increase in the number of Socialist votes as in the far-reaching&nbsp;<em>crisis<\/em>&nbsp;of the&nbsp;<em>bourgeois<\/em>&nbsp;parties, in the amazing force with which their decay has been revealed. Lastly, the significance of the elections lies in the unusually clear and striking revelation of&nbsp;<em>bourgeois reformism<\/em>&nbsp;as a means of combating socialism.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>In&nbsp;<em>all<\/em>&nbsp;bourgeois countries, the parties which stand for capitalism, i.e., the bourgeois parties, came into being a long time ago, and the greater the extent of political liberty, the more solid they are.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Freedom&nbsp;in the U.S.A. is most complete. And for a whole&nbsp;<em>half-century <\/em>\u2014 since the Civil War over slavery in 1860\u201365 \u2014 <em>two<\/em>&nbsp;bourgeois parties have been distinguished there by remarkable solidity and strength. The party of the former slave-owners is the so-called Democratic Party. The capitalist party, which favoured the emancipation of the Negroes, has developed into the Republican Party.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Since&nbsp;the emancipation of the Negroes, the distinction between the two parties has been diminishing. The fight between these two parties has been mainly over the height of customs duties. Their fight&nbsp;<em>has not had<\/em>&nbsp;any&nbsp;<em>serious<\/em>&nbsp;importance for the mass of the people. The people have been deceived and diverted from their vital interests by means of&nbsp;&nbsp; spectacular and meaningless&nbsp;<em>duels<\/em>&nbsp;between the two bourgeois parties.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p><a><\/a>This&nbsp;so-called bipartisan system prevailing in America and Britain has been one of the most powerful means of preventing the rise of an independent working-class, i.e., genuinely socialist, party.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>And&nbsp;now the bipartisan system has suffered a fiasco in America, the country boasting the most advanced capitalism! What caused this fiasco?<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;strength of the working-class movement, the growth of socialism.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;old bourgeois parties (the \u201cDemocratic\u201d and the \u201cRepublican\u201d parties) have been facing towards the past, the period of the emancipation of the Negroes. The new bourgeois party, the National Progressive Party, is facing towards the&nbsp;<em>future<\/em>. Its programme turns entirely on the question whether capitalism is to be or not to be, on the issues, to be specific, of protection for the workers and of \u201ctrusts\u201d, as the capitalist associations are called in the U.S.A.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;old parties are products of an epoch whose task was to develop capitalism as speedily as possible. The struggle between the parties was over the question [of] how best to expedite and facilitate this development.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;new party is a product of the present epoch, which raises the issue of the very existence of capitalism. In the U.S.A., the freest and most advanced country, this issue is coming to the fore more clearly and broadly than anywhere else.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;entire programme and entire agitation of Roosevelt and the Progressives turn on how to&nbsp;<em>save capitalism<\/em>&nbsp;by means of&nbsp;<em>bourgeois reforms<\/em>.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The&nbsp;bourgeois reformism which in old Europe manifests itself in the chatter of liberal professors has all at once come forward in the free American republic as a party four million strong. This is American style.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>We&nbsp;shall save capitalism by reforms, says that party. We shall grant the most progressive factory legislation. We shall establish state control over&nbsp;<em>all<\/em>&nbsp;the trusts (in the U.S.A. that means over&nbsp;<em>all<\/em>&nbsp;industries!). We shall establish state control over them to eliminate poverty and enable everybody to earn a \u201cdecent\u201d wage. We shall establish \u201csocial and industrial justice\u201d. We revere&nbsp;<em>all<\/em>&nbsp;reforms \u2014 <em>the only<\/em>&nbsp;\u201c<em>reform<\/em>\u201d we don\u2019t want is&nbsp;<em>expropriation of the capitalists<\/em>!<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p><a><\/a>The&nbsp;national wealth of the U.S.A. is now reckoned to be 120 billion (thousand million) dollars, i.e., about 240 billion rubles. Approximately&nbsp;<em>one-third<\/em>&nbsp;of it, or about 80 billion rubles, belongs to&nbsp;<em>two<\/em>&nbsp;trusts, those of Rockefeller and Morgan, or is subordinated to these trusts! Not more than 40,000 families making up these two trusts are the masters of 80 million wage slaves.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Obviously,&nbsp;so long as these modern slave-owners are there, all \u201creforms\u201d will be nothing but a deception. Roosevelt has been&nbsp;<em>deliberately<\/em>&nbsp;hired by the astute multimillionaires to preach this deception. The \u201cstate control\u201d they promise will become \u2014 if the capitalists keep their capital \u2014 a means of combating and crushing strikes.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>But&nbsp;the American proletarian has already awakened and has taken up his post. He greets Roosevelt\u2019s success with cheerful irony, as if to say: You lured four million people with your promises of reform, dear impostor Roosevelt. Very well! Tomorrow those four million will see that your promises were a fraud, and don\u2019t forget that they are following you&nbsp;<em>only<\/em>&nbsp;because they feel that it is&nbsp;<em>impossible<\/em>&nbsp;to go on living in the old way.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>As usual, the dialectic of Lenin\u2019s argument is subtle and easily overlooked but unmistakable once noticed. It is the contradiction of freedom and capitalist political domination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It is important to note how Lenin regarded Progressivism &#8212; in this case, that of Theodore Roosevelt\u2019s breakaway Progressive Party in the 1912 election &#8212; as expression of the depth of the crisis of capitalist politics and as a response to the proletarian socialist movement and its political parties. Indeed, for Lenin, the crisis of capitalist politics was itself a result of the rise of socialism as a political force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin understood the electoral results for Debs\u2019s Presidential candidacy as at least potentially representing far more than the actual vote tally &#8212; which, was proportionally the highest percentage the Socialist Party of America ever received, although it received a greater raw number of votes later. It was not necessarily an indication of civil-social organizing strength, in labor unions and other formations of working class power \u201con the ground\u201d outside the formal political sphere. The Socialist Party called for workers to vote their interests and conscience, which according to local as well as national issues might vary from the more symbolic expression of voting for the Socialist candidates in any given electoral contest. The Socialists did not aim to achieve governing power, especially at the national level, through election, but rather used voting as a suggestive measure of potential popular support as well as electoral campaigns as platforms for propagandizing the cause of socialism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Outside the U.S., it is significant that 1912 was generally a high water-mark of socialist electoral strength, for instance in Germany when the SPD became the largest single political party in the national Reichstag elections. Indeed, it was in response to this electoral triumph that the Prussian Imperial government began considering launching a war to potentially divide and thus stem the growth and possibly even smash completely the SPD&#8211; eventually a factor helping lead to the outbreak of WWI two years later in 1914.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>For Lenin, political events in such disparate places as the U.S. and Germany were integral aspects of a world-historical situation of capitalism in which the working class\u2019s movement for socialism was not merely responding to but actively shaping developments. This has not been the case in the same ways during the last hundred years, despite the Cold War and other phenomena of the 20th century. The reason is simply that the socialist movement in the core advanced capitalist countries has bever been as strong as during this era leading up to WWI, as expressed in the parties of the Socialist International.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>While it is familiar and indeed a banal commonplace now for the Left to claim credit for any and all actions in capitalist politics as somehow a response and attempt to counteract or block its own efforts, this is a gross abuse of the kind of judgment Lenin exercised in his interpretations of contemporary political events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>So what was the basis for Lenin\u2019s analysis of American politics in its moment? I would like to address what Lenin had to say about Eugene Debs as exemplar of American socialism, in order to try to understand Lenin\u2019s criteria for socialist politics more generally. I will move backwards historically, from how Lenin evaluated prospects for socialist politics in the U.S. through the figure of Debs as this developed towards the crisis of the Marxist movement that unfolded in the first world war and the revolutions that broke out in its aftermath, in Russia, Germany, Hungary and Italy, and threatened to spread beyond.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin considered Debs and the tendency he represented in American socialism as potential participants in the fledgling Third or Communist International that arose from the crisis of the Second or Socialist International in the war but was polarized definitively in the Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In 1919, at the time of the formation of the new Communist International, in response to the murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, the famous leaders of German Marxism, Debs wrote, in \u201cThe day of the people\u201d that,<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>In Russia and Germany our valiant comrades are leading the proletarian revolution, which knows no race, no color, no sex, and no boundary lines. They are setting the heroic example for worldwide emulation. Let us, like them, scorn and repudiate the cowardly compromisers within our own ranks, challenge and defy the robber-class power, and fight it out on that line to victory or death!<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>From the crown of my head to the soles of my feet I am Bolshevik, and proud of it.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>\u201cThe Day of the People has arrived!\u201d<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>Several years earlier, in 1915, the first year of the World War, Lenin had written to Alexandra Kollontai to instruct her investigation of American socialists, before the U.S. had entered the war and was still officially neutral. To Kollontai he wrote,<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>As&nbsp;regards the New York&nbsp;<em>Volkszeitung<\/em>, Grimm assured me today that they are quite Kautskian! Is that the case? I think our&nbsp;<em>German<\/em>&nbsp;pamphlet&nbsp;might help you to determine the \u201cstrength\u201d of their internationalism. . . .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>In&nbsp;a few days we are publishing here . . . a little pamphlet on behalf of the&nbsp;<em>Zimmerwald Left<\/em>. Under this name we should like to launch into international circulation, as widely as possible, our Left group at Zimmerwald (. . . [including Luxemburg\u2019s] Polish Social\u2013Democrats) . . . with its&nbsp;<em>draft resolution<\/em>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<em>manifesto<\/em>. . . .&nbsp;We rely on you to publish it in America&nbsp;<em>in English too<\/em>&nbsp;(for it is hopeless to do this<a> i<\/a>n England: it has to be brought there&nbsp;<em>from<\/em>&nbsp;America) and, if possible, in other languages. This is to be the first publication by the&nbsp;<em>nucleus of Left<\/em>&nbsp;Social-Democrats of&nbsp;<em>all<\/em>&nbsp;countries, who have a clear, exact and full&nbsp;<em>reply<\/em>&nbsp;to the question of what is to be done and in which direction to go. It would be most important if you could succeed in publishing this in America, circulating it as widely as possible and&nbsp;<em>establishing firm publishing links<\/em>&nbsp;(<em>Charles Kerr<\/em>&nbsp;[in] Chicago; the&nbsp;<em>Appeal to Reason<\/em>&nbsp;[in]&nbsp;<em>Kansas, etc.<\/em>). . . .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Try&nbsp;establishing contact with them \u2014 if only in writing, should you not get to Kansas. Their little paper is sometimes&nbsp;<em>not bad<\/em>. Be sure to sound them out with our resolution of the \u201cZimmerwald Left\u201d. And what is Eugene&nbsp;<em>Debs<\/em>? He sometimes writes in a revolutionary way. Or is he also a wet-rag&nbsp;<em>\u00e0&nbsp;la<\/em>&nbsp;Kautsky?<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>I&nbsp;never doubted that [Morris] Hillquit would be for Kautsky and even&nbsp;<em>to the right<\/em>&nbsp;of him, because I saw him at Stuttgart (1907) and&nbsp;<em>heard<\/em>&nbsp;how&nbsp;<em>afterwards<\/em>&nbsp;he defended the prohibition against bringing yellow&nbsp;people into&nbsp;America (an \u201cinternationalist\u201d!).<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>When assessing the prospects for the formation of the Communist international in 1918, Lenin had written that he included Debs among those \u201c<em>groups<\/em>&nbsp;and currents&nbsp;<em>within<\/em>&nbsp;the social-patriotic parties more or less close to&nbsp;<em>Bolshevism<\/em>\u201d: \u201cthe \u2018League\u2019 in the United States (or followers of Debs?).\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin had read Debs\u2019s declaration of opposition to the war:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>Look&nbsp;at America \u2014 apart from everything else a neutral country. Haven\u2019t we the beginnings of a split there, too: Eugene Debs, the \u201cAmerican Bebel\u201d [analogue to the leader of the German SPD prior to WWI], declares in the socialist press that he recognises only one type of war, civil war for the victory of socialism, and that he would sooner be shot than vote a single cent for American war expenditure<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>Debs had written:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p><em>I am not a capitalist soldier; I am a proletarian revolutionist. I do not belong to the regular army of rite plutocracy, but to the irregular army of the people. I refuse to obey any command to fight for the ruling class<\/em>. . . .<em> I am opposed to every war but one; I am for that war with heart and soul, and that is the world-wide war of the social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any way the ruling class may make it necessary<\/em>. . . .<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>To which Lenin responded:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>This is what Eugene Debs, the American Bebel, the beloved leader of the American workers, writes to them.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>This again shows you, comrades, that&nbsp;<em>in all countries of the world real preparations are being made to rally the forces of the working class.<\/em>&nbsp;The horrors of war and the sufferings of the people are incredible. But we must not, and we have no reason whatever, to view the future with despair.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin considered the revolutionary tradition strong in America. In his \u201cLetter to American workers\u201d in 1918, he wrote that,<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>The history of modern, civilised America opened with one of those great, really liberating, really revolutionary wars of which there have been so few compared to the vast number of wars of conquest which, like the present imperialist war, were caused by squabbles among kings, landowners or capitalists over the division of usurped lands or ill-gotten gains. That was the war the American people waged against the British robbers who oppressed America and held her in colonial slavery, in the same way as these \u201ccivilised\u201d bloodsuckers are still oppressing and holding in colonial slavery hundreds of millions of people in India, Egypt, and all parts of the world.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>About 150 years have passed since then. Bourgeois civilisation has borne all its luxurious fruits. America has taken first place among the free and educated nations in level of development of the productive forces of collective human endeavour, in the utilisation of machinery and of all the wonders of modern engineering. At the same time, America has become one of the foremost countries in regard to the depth of the abyss which lies between the handful of arrogant multimillionaires who wallow in filth and luxury, and the millions of working people who constantly live on the verge of pauperism. The American people, who set the world an example in waging a revolutionary war against feudal slavery, now find themselves in the latest, capitalist stage of wage-slavery to a handful of multimillionaires, and find themselves playing the role of hired thugs who, for the benefit of wealthy scoundrels, throttled the Philippines in 1898 on the pretext of \u201cliberating\u201d them.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin continued:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<blockquote class=\"wp-block-quote is-layout-flow wp-block-quote-is-layout-flow\">\n<p>I am not surprised that Wilson, the head of the American multimillionaires and servant of the capitalist sharks, has thrown Debs into prison. Let the bourgeoisie be brutal to the true internationalists, to the true representatives of the revolutionary proletariat! The more fierce and brutal they are, the nearer the day of the victorious proletarian revolution.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n<p>Lenin recognized Woodrow Wilson, today considered a \u201cprogressive,\u201d as an entirely conservative-reactionary political figure, representative of the Democrats as the conservative party in U.S. politics of the time, by contrast with the Republicans who had dominated American national politics since the Civil War. Indeed, if the Republican vote had not been split between Roosevelt and his former Vice President Taft, divided on the level and pace of progressive reforms of capitalism to be effected, then Wilson would never have won the Presidency in 1912. Wilson used his victory to racially segregate Washington DC and the U.S. military, in a bitter triumph for the Jim Crow Redeemer party at the national level.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As regards the 1912 election itself, when the world crisis of war and revolution was visible emerging on the horizon but not yet dawned, for his part, Debs considered Roosevelt\u2019s reform effort to rationalize capitalism in 1912 to be \u201cpsychotic\u201d &#8212; he considered its prospects not only dim but delusional. The fact that what Roosevelt proposed in 1912 was implemented 20 years later by his nephew-in-law FDR\u2019s Administration, in a massive realignment of American politics that reversed the roles of its capitalist parties, should not be assumed to retrospectively validate Roosevelt\u2019s perspective in 1912, since it was a very different moment, especially politically: not yet the Great Depression-era&nbsp; crisis that led to fascism and world war. Indeed, Roosevelt did not necessarily anticipate world war in 1912 as, by contrast, the socialists of the Second International certainly did, in their understanding of the crescendo building of the imperialist height of world capitalism. | <strong>\u00a7<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Chris Cutrone Presented on a panel, &#8220;The radicality of the American project,&#8221; with James Vaughn, moderated by Spencer Leonard, held at the 4th Biennial conference of the Caucus for a Critical Political Science, South Padre Island, Texas, February 23, 2025. Let me begin by reading a short article written by the Russian revolutionary social democratic [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,3],"tags":[51,35,16,23,43],"class_list":["post-4118","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-essays","category-presentations","tag-51","tag-lenin","tag-marxism","tag-neoliberalism","tag-trump-era"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4118","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4118"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4118\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4477,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4118\/revisions\/4477"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4118"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4118"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/chriscutrone.platypus1917.org\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4118"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}